Northern Artsakh :: ARTSAKH LOCATIONS

1989 y․ 1577 Monuments

Azerbaijan (Country) / Northern Artsakh (Area)

Geographical Environment

‘Northern Artsakh’ is a conventional name used with reference to the territory lying in the area between the watershed divisions of Sevan and Mrav and the river Kur. During the early medieval period, Northern Artsakh (it was more known under the name of Gardman in the Middle Ages) included some of the districts of Utik and Artsakh Provinces of Metz Hayk, such as Koght, Kust-i-Parnes, Gardman, Shakashen, etc. During the late medieval period, it formed part of Gandzak (Gyanja) Khanate, being later incorporated into the territory of Russia, after which it became known under the name of Yelizavetpol Province. After the Soviet takeover, the region was annexed to the Republic of Azerbaijan, being divided into the following administrative units: Getabek, Dashkesan, Touz, Khanlar, Kasum-Ismayilov (Gyoran), Ghazakh, Shamkhor and Shahumian. This last one, forming part of the present-day Republic of Nagorno Karabakh, is among the territories now occupied by Azerbaijan. In Northern Artsakh are located the catchment basins of the rivers Asrik, Zakam, Shamkor, Artinajur (Koshkar), Gandzak, Kurak and Sevjur, which take their sources in the mountain chains of Sevan and Mrav, and merge into the Kur on the right. It also embraces the downstream reaches of the rivers Joghas, Aghstev and Tavush.

Armenia Maior, also called Greater Armenia. Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 9.

Historical Introduction

According to the Ashkharatsuyts, the region, conventionally called Northern Artsakh, comprised 3 districts from each of Utik and Artsakh Provinces of Metz Hayk respectively: Kust-i-Parnes, Koght, Metz Koghmank, Tus-Kustak, Gardman and Shakashen.

An Armenian manual on cosmology and geography with an atlas attached. Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 9.

BC 8 — BC 6 cc․

The aforementioned territories, that formed part of Van (Ararat) Kingdom between the 8th and 7th centuries B.C., were included in the Orontid Kingdom in the 6th century.

Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 9.

20 c․

A cuneiform inscription, found near Banants Village of Dashkesan District in the early 20th century, proved to be the north-easternmost one among those ever discovered in the Armenian Highland.

Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 9.

Treating the times of Artashes I and his contemporary, king of Tzopk Zareh, Greek geographer Strabo writes that under their rule, the population of their countries was monolingual, namely they spoke only Armenian. This leads us to the conclusion that the inhabitants of the north-eastern areas of Metz Hayk, i.e. those in Utik and Artsakh, participated in the formation of the Armenian nation, becoming an inseparable part of them. Utik and Artsakh formed part of Metz Hayk under both the Artaxiads and Arshakids. Strabo, Pliny the Elder, Ptolemy, Stephen of Byzantium and others mention them in their works as integral parts of Armenia, all these and other authors stating that Armenia’s north-eastern border ran along the river Kur.

Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 9.

428 y․

In 428 the Sasanids, who had conquered entire Transcaucasia, founded three marzpanutiuns, i.e. Armenia, Iveria (Iberia) and Caucasian Albania (Arran). By the year 451, Utik and Artsakh Provinces had joined Caucasian Albania, but that administrative change did not influence their ethnic picture.

An administrative division in Sasanid Iran. Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 9.

5 c․

In the late 5th century, the Armenian population of Utik and Artsakh gained provisional independence, and Sasanid King Vagharsh conferred the title of Arranshahik, i.e. Shah of Arran, on Prince Vachagan of Artsakh. The latter encouraged the revival of the Christian faith and founded numerous Armenian schools.

Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 9.

7 c․

The 7th century marked the establishment of the principality of Aghvank4 centered in Partaw City: its representatives were the members of the Mihranians’ (Gardmanatsy, i.e. from Gardman) Family.

The Armenian version of the name of Caucasian Albania also referred to by the toponym of Arran in this work. Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 9.

The Armenian population of Utik and Artsakh, led by the Arranshahiks and the Mihranians, put up an unequal but persistent struggle against the Arab invaders.

Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 9.

8 c․

In the 8th century, however, they had to yield up to the enemy forces, far outnumbering them, and withdraw from the plains to the foothills and high mountainous areas, which provided better conditions for defence.

Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 9.

9 c․

In the 9th century, the natives of Utik and Artsakh intensified their struggle against the Arab rule: in this respect, particularly remarkable were the activities of local princes Ktrij Sevordatsy and Atrnerseh the Arranshahik, who were taken captive and sent to the caliph by Arab Commander Bugha. Eventually, the main territories of Utik and Artsakh, including Gandzak and Partaw Cities, were liberated from the Arab yoke in 887, becoming part of Armenia’s Bagratid Kingdom.

Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 10.

Under the feudal system, the Armenian principalities of Parisos and Gardman were established in the region.

Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 10.

970 y․

In the 970s Hovhannes Senecherim the Arranshahik declared the former a kingdom, which was recognized by Byzantium and Persia. It embraced almost all the foothills and mountain areas in the region, excluding only part of the plains along the Kur, which had been stripped of their Armenian population and were occupied by various nomadic tribes.

Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 10.

11 c․

In the 11th century, the Armenian Bagratids and emirs, the representatives of the Kurdish family of the Shedadians, who had taken possession of Gandzak, partitioned the kingdom of Parisos. The latter gained rule over most of the region’s plains together with Gandzak and Shamkor Cities.

Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 10.

11 c․

Parisos and Gardman, which did not escape the Seljuk invasions of the 11th century, survived within the territory of the Armenian kingdom of the Kyurikian Bagratids till the early 12th century. Under King David the Builder, they were included in the kingdom of the Georgian Bagratids, who were struggling against the Seljuk principalities in Transcaucasia at that time. The Kyurikians’ last representatives held possession of the impregnable castles of Kayen and Matznaberd as well as their adjacent districts.

Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 10.

12 c․

In the late 12th century, Zakarian princes liberated Utik and Artsakh from the Seljuks’ dominion, the Vahramians, the representatives of a branch of their family, establishing their rule in the region’s north-eastern part.

Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 10.

In the south, their principality comprised the entire mountain zone, its boundaries reaching the watershed divisions of Sevan and Mrav, while in the north, they extended up to the river Kur, including Shamkor City.

Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 10.

Despite that, however, the immigrant tribes would not leave the region’s fertile lands, while the Armenians who had been forced to move to the mountainous areas did not dare to return to the villages once inhabited by their ancestors. It was only in the cities located in the plain areas that the number of the Armenian population increased to some extent.

Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 10.

11 — 13 cc․

Utik and Artsakh did not stand aloof from the general cultural revival marking the history of Armenia between the 11th and 13th centuries. Some cities were reconstructed, new forts, churches and monasteries were built, and the old ones (most of them have come down to our times), repaired. During that period, the region gave birth to such prominent figures of Armenian culture and science as Hovhannes Sarkavag (John the Deacon), Mkhitar Gosh, Archimandrite Vanakan, Kirakos Gandzaketsy, Vardan Areveltsy and others. In the monastery of Dasno extending on the right bank of the river Shamkor, in 1184 Mkhitar Gosh wrote his famous Datastanagirk, i.e. the first ever created Code of Laws in Armenia.

Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 10.

Earthquakes
1139 y․

The earthquake that struck the region in 1139 proved disastrous, taking away tens of thousands of lives.

Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 10.

Historical Introduction
13 c․

In the 13th century, Transcaucasia was conquered by the Tartar-Mongols, whose invasion became the prelude to further incursions into Armenia by other nomadic tribes.

Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 10.

14 — 15 cc․

As a result, between the 14th and 15th centuries, the region suffered the raids of the Jalali, Chobanian, Ak-Koyunlu (White Sheep Turkomans), Kara-Koyunlu (Black Sheep Turkomans) and other tribes, exceeding each other in their ferocity and brutality.

Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 10.

16 c․

In the 16th century, Safavid Persia took possession of entire Eastern Armenia. The shahs, who held the Turkic and Kurdish tribes under their auspices, implemented special policies aimed at encouraging them to take up permanent residence in the occupied areas. As a result, soon those tribes reached numerical superiority over the indigenous population inhabiting the plains along the Kur. The Safavids’ policy of forced conversion to Islam posed another grave danger to the local Armenians. With that regard, however, the Persian rulers failed to achieve any tangible results among the Armenians dwelling in the foothills and mountain zones.

Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 10.

It goes without saying that the aforementioned circumstances could not contribute to the preservation of Armenian culture at the high level it once enjoyed. Despite all that, however, the Armenians did succeed in retaining their achievements and handing them down to the coming generations.

Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 10.

16 — 17 cc․

Between the 16th and 17th centuries, most of the region’s territory was included in the Persian khanate of Gandzak. In the late 16th century, the Ottoman Turks, who had been continually making some endeavours to penetrate into the region, managed to reach the Caspian Sea. In the early 17th century, Persian Shah Abbas drove away the Turks not only from Gandzak but also from all the former Persian khanates, occupied over two decades before. In other words, the Persians re-established their dominion all over Eastern Armenia, supported by the local Armenians who preferred the Persian rule to the Turkish one, taking into account the attitude the authorities of those countries showed to them.

Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 10.

1639 y․

The treaty signed between Turkey and Persia in Constantinople in 1639 was to bring peace into the region for several decades. That period marked political, cultural and, broadly speaking, national revival for the local Armenians. The representatives of certain princely families fortified their positions and started uniting their forces, fixing firmly the boundaries of their estates by the shah’s decrees. One of the first Armenian princes to get the title of Melik from Shah Abbas in 1601 was Melik Nazar from Voskanapat, a far-sighted person of wide political experience who founded a semi-independent principality. The Melik-Arustamians established Armenian princedoms in the middle basin of the river Shamkor, with Barsum Village as their centre. The Melik-Mnatsakanians from Getashen set up their principality in the middle and upper basin of the river Kurak (Kyurak). There also existed weaker Armenian principalities whose authority extended over 1 to 3 villages: Krzen, Bada (Legharak), Hartshangist (Chovdar) and Banants. Among those very powerful and large can be mentioned Gyulistan or Talish Princedom forming part of Khamsa Principality of Artsakh.

A title conferred on some Armenian nobles. Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 11.

17 c․

Each of the small principalities of Northern Artsakh held possession of over 5 villages and enjoyed internal autonomy, being dependent only on Gandzak khans. During the period between the 17th century and the late ‘70s of the 18th century, the Armenians inhabited not only the region’s foothills (that status quo was mainly preserved till 1988 to ‘89) but also all the mountainous areas. In other words, the principalities were well-fortified in the rear as well, thanks to the densely-populated Armenian villages.

Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 11.

18 c․

The Great Resettlement of the 18th Century. Nadir Shah’s death became the prelude to unprecedented political instability in the region. Gandzak Khanate, which was almost constantly in war against the neighbouring khanates, had become a true scourge for the local population. The heavy military expenditures made the khans to continuously increase the taxes imposed on them. The Persian officials collected taxes irregularly, often by force, sometimes just robbing the poor in the very proper sense of the word. It was especially for Gandzak Armenians that the taxes had become an intolerable burden: the Muslim rulers severely oppressed them not only because they were considered infidels (giaurs) but also because they led a sedentary mode of life, which enabled them to cultivate the soil and grow crops. In contrast to them, the Muslims (mainly the Turks) inhabiting the khanate were nomads, the only form of tax they paid, if ever, being products of animal origin.

Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 11.

The Great Resettlement of the 18th Century. In the second half of the 18th century, the khan of Gandzak himself raided his territories, putting the local Armenians in a grave predicament, the only way out of which was to stop sowing altogether, as they were forced to hand in the entire harvest they got, sometimes being merely robbed of it: “...when the khans started taxing the Armenians beyond any reason, out of their special love for that people, they refused to cultivate the soil under various pleas, getting convinced that they could not hide their crops from the officials’ long-sighted looks... Under the khans, their (the Armenians’ - S. K.) entire property belonged to them unless the Muslims decided to seize it, something considered far from unfair, for the infidels themselves were regarded as the Muslims’ property...”

Meves, V. Articles on Yelizavetpol District. In: “Kavkaz,” 1865, No. 95, pp. 512-522, in Russian (the original reads, “...когда ханы из особой любви к армянам стали требовать с них малджагат в безпредельных размерах, то армяне, под разными предлогами начали оставлять хлебопашество, убедившись, что урожая не могут скрывать от зоркаго глаза своих повелителей... При ханах армяне не могли расчитывать на видимую собственность: все их видимое достояние было до тех пор их собственностью, пока правоверный не вздумал отнять; и это не считалось несправедливостью, потому что и сам гяур считался собственностью правовернаго...”).
Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 11.

The Great Resettlement of the 18th Century. Not only were the Armenians oppressed financially but they were also taxed in another peculiar way, being obliged to give up even their young children: “Money was collected during the bayram twice a year. As for the 21 Armenian villages, although it remains unknown to what extent they were taxed, the khan took an unreasonable amount of money from the poor peasants, mostly robbing them. The wealthy villages gave even more, the Armenians being also compelled to deliver up their little children in payment of the taxes.”

A Muslim feast. Collected Acts of the Caucasian Archaeological Commission vol. 2, Tiflis, 1868, p. 596, all volumes in Russian (the original reads, “Деньги собирались в два срока годоваго времени, когда бывает байрам; а с 21 Армянской деревни, хотя и не означено сколько давали, но хан брал неограниченно, а более грабежем. Касательно до скота, то брато им с богатых деревень больше; также брали в числе подати Армянских мужескаго и женскаго пола малолетних детей...”).
Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 11.

The Great Resettlement of the 18th Century. The trophies gained during the invasions of Georgia, Daghestan and the neighbouring khanates came to add to those seized in the region proper.

Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 11.

The Great Resettlement of the 18th Century. Unable to bear those severe conditions, in the 1770s the Armenian population of tens of villages, mostly from the densely-inhabited eastern and south-eastern parts of Gandzak District, resettled in Shamshadin (Shamshadil) and Borchalu. Left derelict a few decades before in the aftermath of the Lezghin incursions, these districts comprised numerous village sites which became haven for the newly-arrived Armenians of Gandzak. Part of the resettlers, coming from the cities of Shamkor and Gandzak as well as the adjacent villages, took up residence in Havlabar (later it became a quarter in Tpghis and numerous other villages in Kartli and Cahetia, such as Lis, Mukhran, Akhalkalak, etc.

They built two churches, Shamkoretsots (Of Shamkor Inhabitants) Sourb Astvatzatzin (Holy Virgin) and Gandzaketsots (Of Gandzak Inhabitants) St. Gevorg (Dzorabash), standing not far from each other in Havlabar, a quarter in Tbilisi, Georgia. Remarkably, as attested by Prior Astvatzatur the Archimandrite of Charek Monastery located in Getabek District, over a century after the emigration, the aged natives of Shamkor living in Havlabar still remembered various stories and legends associated with their birthplace: “In times bygone, Gardman District of Armenia used to retain a great number of prospering monasteries. Today, however, their meagre remnants comprise the only reminders of their existence that touch the travellers’ hearts. It is only Charek Monastery that endured the barbarians’ repeated raids and now stands preserved. The elderly Armenians dwelling in Shamkor Quarter of Tiflis recall some splendid legends connected with the sanctuary. Many years ago, a driblet of persecuted people abandoned the monastery and their villages and emigrated to Tiflis and other places, escaping the terrible plight they suffered in the foreign barbarians’ hands...” (“Ararat,” 1879, p. 320, in Armenian). Also spelled as Tpkhis: an old version of the name of Georgian capital Tbilisi.
Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, pp. 11-12.

The Great Resettlement of the 18th Century. The devastated areas of Gandzak Khanate were later inhabited by various Turkic tribes, such as the Ghajars, Zulkadars and Ayrums.

Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 12.

1770 y․

The Great Resettlement of the 18th Century. In 1890 Sargis Kamalian, a famous folk-lore specialist and one of the descendants of the resettlers of the 1770s, visited his ancestors’ land, his impressions inspiring him to write his memoirs. The following is an interesting extract from his work, “...Tzatur (Kamalian’s companion during the trip - S. K.) again cursed his worthless forefathers and asked me to hurry so that we would find a shelter for the night: it was absolutely impossible to stay with the Ayrums. Ridiculous as it was, we failed to find refuge in our ancestors’ land. Passing through the ploughed fields and arable lands along the left bank of the river Gharamurad, we again came across some fruit-bearing trees, i.e. mulberries, cherries, quinces, pears, apples and nut-trees. Struck by lightning, almost all of them had withered, some of them standing with their branches broken by the Ayrum shepherds.”

Yeghishe Charents Art and Literature Museum. Sargis Kamalian Fund, copy-book No. 1, VI-11, pp. 32-33, in Armenian.
Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 12.

Population

August Haxthausen (1792 to 1866), an ethnographer and an official from Prussia who visited Gandzak in the ‘50s of the 19th century, writes, “Gandzak District is inhabited by the Armenians and the Tartars, the former dwelling in the mountains and the latter in the fertile plains. The Armenians are mainly engaged in farming and gardening (they grow wheat, barley, millet, maize and flax), while the Tartars’ main occupation is stock-breeding: the majority of the latter is lazy but rich, whereas the former, on the contrary, are very hard-working. The Turkish villages are rather large, unlike the Armenian ones that comprise a small number of houses...”

Baron August von Haxthausen’s Travel in Transcaucasia, i.e. in Armenia and Georgia. Vagharshapat, 1872, pp. 164-165, in Armenian.
Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, pp. 13-14.

1904 y․

In 1904 the province had a population of 936,629.

“Kavkaz,” 1904, No. 228, p. 3, in Russian.
Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 14.

19 c․

Over many centuries, the Armenians of Northern Artsakh were mainly concentrated in the mostly wooded foothills of the region, out of security considerations. Thus, at the period between the 19th century and the deportation of 1988, the aforementioned areas had over 50 Armenian villages.

Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 14.

1988 y․

On the eve of the deportation of 1988, the Armenian inhabitants of the urban and rural settlements of Northern Artsakh totaled 70,000.

Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 14.

The Local Turks. In the course of time, different stock-breeding nomadic tribes of Turkic origin penetrated into Northern Artsakh. Representing a human species whose livelihood is mainly provided by theft and robbery, they have been squeezing the Armenians’ blood out of them in their own homeland for already many centuries. A great number of visitors who witnessed that report a wealth of facts proving the aforementioned, the ethnonym of ‘Turk’ being always accompanied by such nouns as ‘plunder,’ ‘ravage,’ ‘murder,’ ‘slaughters,’ etc. in their works.

Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 14.

19 c․

Beginning with the early 19th century, the entire bitterness of the existence of the Turkish elements in the region became tangible for the Russian and German immigrants as well.

Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 14.

19 c․

Motivated by the interests of the Russian Empire, the Tsarist authorities took large-scale actions, forcing the majority of the Turkish nomads to eventually shift to a sedentary mode of life: by the late 19th century, they had mostly achieved that goal.

Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 14.

1865 y․

We have at our disposal some records describing the everyday life and occupation of the Turkic tribes that gradually made themselves comfortable in Northern Artsakh. Thus, researcher V. Meves, a correspondent of the “Kavkas,” wrote the following in 1865, “Since the khans’ times, none of the Tartar tribes has ever had its own plot of land. Since time immemorial they have lived in large pits dug in a selected place and adjusted to accommodate one or several families... Very few of them choose to live in areas suitable for farming and cattle-raising: the majority gives preference to remote, isolated areas which are excellent hiding-places for stolen animals and property. Their dwellings actually represent dens which are the assembly of not only the local gangs but also those coming from the neighbouring districts, provinces, occasionally also from Turkey and Persia. The Tartars’ voluntary resettlement has the following advantage: let us suppose that a murderer is being searched for in a given tribe. None of them is anyhow linked with the place he dwells in: all he possesses is his pit which can be dug anywhere. Thus, he collects his belongings and moves to another remote area, already inhabited by other people of the same “trade” so that he will continue his activity without any difficulty... ...they wander from one mountain encampment to another under the plea of stock-breeding, while their actual aim is to find places more convenient for theft, robbery and gangsterism...” Well-aware of the fact that the Turks’ main occupation was theft, foreign visitors regarded their “villages” as merely dens of crime. Touching upon the felonious conduct of the inhabitants of some Turkish villages adjoining Annenfeld (a German child was cruelly tortured to death simply because the bandit wanted to steal his horse), Meves writes: “...knowing that almost no crimes were committed without the complicity of the aghas, I sent for the head of the village, better to say, the den, adjoining the colony and told him that if the murderer of the child was not found, I would intercede with the regional authorities for his banishment from the region, as all the traces of the killer led to the den he lived in...” The aforementioned researcher who conducted a thorough investigation into the customs and mode of life typical of various Turkish tribes, comes to the following eloquent conclusion, “Due to the Muslims’ brains’ inactivity, their actions have completely fallen out of the control of consciousness...”

Meves, V. Articles on Yelizavetpol District. In: “Kavkaz,” 1865, No. 42, pp. 231-232 (the original reads, “...Почти ни одно общество татарское не имело при ханах и не имеет тепер никакого надела землею. Искони татары копают для себя ями избранных ими местах, то по нескольку семейств вместе, то по одиначке... Редкий избирает место для хлебопашества и скотоводства; а большая часть выбирает самыя глухия места для удобнейшаго сокрытия награбленнаго скота и другаго имущества. В этих притонах собираются шайки разбойников местных и тех, которые приезжают из других губерних, уездов, а нередко и государств, -Турции и Персии. Этот произвольный переход татар с одного на другое вызвал следующее. Положим, что в обществе NN преследуется такой то убийца. -тогда он, не будучи привязан к месту ничем, кроме ямы, которую везде может вырыть, собирается со всем скарбом и переходит в другую глухую окрестность, на которой уже живет с полдюжины подобных ему, и продолжает свою работу ... под предлогом скотоводства, выкочевывают в горы, а в сущности они кочуют для того, чтобы иметь больше удобства грабить, разбойничать и воровать...”). A title used with reference to wealthy, influential people. Meves, V. Articles on Yelizavetpol District. In: “Kavkaz,” 1865, No. 36, p. 204 (the original reads, “...зная что без участия агаларов редко творятся преступления, я призвал к себе агалара из соседней с колониею деревни (или правильнее-логовища), и объявил ему, что если не будет отыскан действительный убийца дитяти, то я войду с представлением об административной высылке его из края-за то, что следы убийца от убитаго дитяти были доведены до логовища, в котором он живет”). Meves, V. Articles on Yelizavetpol District. In: “Kavkaz,” 1865, No. 48, p. 258 (the original reads, “Вследствие бездействия мозга, мусульманин стал безсознателен в своих действиях”).
Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, pp. 14-15.

1869 y․

Another Russian investigator who lived in Gandzak for some time wrote the following in 1869: “...It is no wonder that there are so many bandits among these people. It is already a year and two months since I arrived here so that I know them like the palm of my hand. In winter they idle away their time in their dog-houses; in spring they roam about in the gardens and move to the mountains in summer. Their belongings comprise some rags and one or two bulls which serve for conveying their “luggage” from one place to another. After all the aforementioned, it is not surprising at all that these people are all gangsters: they have absolutely no desire to work, but still, they cannot starve, can they?”

Semyonov, I. People’s Daily Life in Yelizavetpol. In: “Kavkaz,” 1869, No. 131, p. 2, in Russian (the original reads, “...И удивляются еще, что из этого народа выходит много разбойников! Я здесь уже год и два месяца и изучил этот народ, как свои пальцы. Зимой сидят в своих конурах без всякаго дела, весной шатаются по садам, летом отправляются в горы на кочевку. Все имущество хозяина лачужки состоит из кучи лохмотьев и одного или двух быков, на которых он нагружает все свое достояние и перевозит его с одного места на другое. Удивительно ли после этого, что народ разбойничает? Ведь голодному же не быть, а работать не хочется”).
Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 15.

1880 y․

The Turkish inhabitants of the region remained closely attached to nomadic life even in the subsequent decades. Thus, in the 1880s “The Muslim population of the district comprises some nomads known by the common name of Tarakyama (they occupy the lowlands) and the nomadic tribes of Tartars dwelling in the mountains.”

Abelov, N. A. A Study of the Economic Conditions of State Peasantry in Yelizavetpol District of Yelizavetpol Province. A reprint from Materials for the Study of the Economic Conditions of State Peasantry in Transcaucasia, vol. 7, Tiflis, 1887, p. 14 (the Russian original reads, “Мусульманское население уезда состоит из кочевников низменности, известных под общим именем “таракама”, и горных татар, кочевников-же, носящих название “айрум”).
Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 15.

1880 y․

All the Muslim elements that had penetrated into the region were Turkish-speaking, although their faith divided them in two groups: Sunnites and Shiites. In the 1880s, the majority of the latter still clang to nomadism, while part of the former had already changed to a sedentary life, settling down in the areas on the right bank of the river Kur and establishing the village communities of Alikend, Alpout, Taghlamaj, Elengyuch, Ishkyanuy, Gharakovakh, Gharasakhkal, Mansurlu and Sangyar.

Abelov, N. A. A Study of the Economic Conditions of State Peasantry in Yelizavetpol District of Yelizavetpol Province. A reprint from Materials for the Study of the Economic Conditions of State Peasantry in Transcaucasia, vol. 7, Tiflis, 1887, p. 15.
Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 15.

19 c․

In the late 19th century, thousands of Turkish inhabitants of Gandzak District applied to the authorities for permission to move to the derelict villages in Western Armenia. The contemporary press writes the following with that regard: “...6,000 families from Gandzak Province, having a large Turkish population, have entered a petition to the Government to emigrate to Turkey. Given the large number of those wishing to resettle, the authorities undertook some measures to find out the reasons for it. It is thought to have been incited by Turkey: having driven away the Armenians from their own territories (several tens of thousands of them now live in Caucasia), that country wants to allocate their lands and villages to the Turkish resettlers from Caucasia.”

The western part of Historical Armenia whose name and territorial coverage varied from period to period. “Murj,” 1898, Nos. 2-3, p. 378, in Armenian.
Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 15.

According to the study of the available material on the Turkish Ayrums, they inhabited three areas in Historical Armenia, detached from each other: the territories adjacent to Mount Ararat and Ararat Valley, particularly Aragatzotn District (records on the Ayrums living here form a particularly great number); Maku, Khoy and Salmast Districts, Persarmenia; the north-east of Historical Armenia, particularly Northern Artsakh (the present-day districts of Touz, Getabek, Dashkesan, etc.) and Karvajar District, Republic of Nagorno Karabakh.

The records on the Ayrums inhabiting the lands adjacent to Mount Ararat and Ararat Valley have no direct connection with their fellow tribesmen who settled down in Northern Artsakh. Despite that, however, we have included some of them in the present work, taking into account their value from the standpoint of the study of their history. Thus, according to an archive document of the 1760s, Taghi Youzbashi (a Turkish word meaning ‘a leader of a hundred soldiers’), the head of one of the Ayrum communities dwelling in Aragatzotn (present-day Aragatzotn Marz, Republic of Armenia), even entered into conflict with Echmiatzin residents over the irrigation of their fields (Jambr (a work on the history and estates of the Holy See of Echmiatzin, the Armenian Patriarchs, as well as the Catholicosates of Aghtamar, Caucasian Albania and Cilicia), compiled and written by Catholicos Simeon Yerevantsy (henceforward: Jambr...). Vagharshapat, 1873, p. 196, in Armenian). At the same period, some Ayrums inhabited Ohanavan Village (present-day Aragatzotn Marz, Republic of Armenia), or most probably, its neighbourhood: “...Rahim Bey, the head of the Ayrums living in Ohanavan...” (A Collection of Armenian Historiographical Works, vol. 3. Compiled by Priest Gyut Aghaniants. Tiflis, 1894, p. 456, in Armenian). Some Ayrums also lived near Kyultapa (present-day Mokhrablur Village lying 4 kilometres south of Vagharshapat, Aragatzotn Marz, Republic of Armenia): “...several dilapidated ... and house sites in a southern direction, once inhabited by some Turkish Ayrums who mainly spent winter there, although sometimes they lived there in summer as well. ...And the village was called Kyultapa after a hill” (Jambr..., p. 195). Between 1750 and ‘52, reference is made to Alahverdi, the Ayrums’ khan or sultan, a person of great influence among the Muslim rulers of Armenia. This is attested by the fact that “The Ayrums’ khan” was ranked among the khans of Yerevan and Nakhijevan (Melikset-Bek, L. M. Georgian Sources about Armenia and Armenians (henceforward: Melikset-Bek, L. M.), vol. 3, Yerevan, 1955, p. 138, all volumes translated from the Georgian original into Armenian by Melikset-Bek, L. M). In the same years, he was given reception at the court of the Georgian king: “...Yerevan khan’s brother and the Ayrums’ (Ayrumlu’s) khan came to see our kings...” (idem, p. 134). Another record (1752) states the following with this connection, “An Azerbaijanian (Tartar) from Yerevan, the sultan of Ayrumlu named Alahverdi, paid a visit to King Irakli...” (idem, p. 174). Interestingly enough, Allahverdi, who had entered into alliance with the Georgians, did not manifest religious fanaticism: “In those days, they (the Georgians) were with Alahverdi, the sultan of Ayrumlu, a brave man who asked the Holy Cross for protection...” (idem, p. 175).
Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 15.

18 c․

Interestingly enough, the sources attesting to the Ayrums’ existence in the aforementioned places (the earliest of them date back to the mid-18th century) mention them as farmers who, therefore, had a sedentary mode of life. In contrast to them, the other tribes of Turkic origin adopted it only about a century and a half after their penetration into the lands of Armenia.

Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 16.

19 c․

Beginning with probably the second half of the 18th century till the early 19th century, the southwestern mountainous areas of the region (mainly the territory of present-day Getabek District) were also called Ayrumlu. Under the Russian domination, however, the territorial coverage of the toponym was rather restricted to refer to only separate village communities: “Once Ayrum was one of the new districts of Utik Province, whereas now it is the ethnonym of different communities inhabiting Gandzak Province.”

Eprikian, H. S. An Illustrated Encyclopedia of Toponymy, vol. 1, St. Lazarus, Venice, 1903, p. 164, in Armenian.
Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 16.

1810 y․

At the initial period of the Russian rule in the region, the banishment of the Ayrums was put high on the agenda of the Russian Government. In 1810 75 Tartars and 38 Armenians, all of them citizens of Gandzak, addressed a petition to General Tormasov to annul it. Their formal request particularly stated: “Your Highness surely knows that we are continually robbed of our property, remaining absolutely devoid of any means of livelihood. We have learnt that Your Highness wishes to have the Ayrums resettled in Shamshadil. We, the signatories to this petition, assure Your Highness and swear by God and E. I. V.’s health that the Ayrums serve as a solid, defensive wall for us, protecting us against wolves, dogs... and if they move, we will certainly fall prey to these predators.”

Collected Acts of the Caucasian Archaeological Commission, vol. 4, Tiflis, 1870, pp. 92, 493 (the original reads, “В. выс-у не безизвестно, что мы не однакратно лишались своего состояния и находимся без пропитания и при всем том еще известились мы, что выс-у угодно переселить Айрумцев в Шамшадиль. Мы, нижеподписавшиеся, уверяем в. выс-у и клянемся Богом и здоровьем Е. И. В. что Айрумский народ служит нам, разделенным, крепкою стеною и, если они будут переселены, то нас съедят волки, собаки и чекалки...”).
Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 16.

Gandzak inhabitants also wrote that the Ayrums produced and sold them butter, cheese, milk, fat, honey, beef, mutton and timber for house-building.

Collected Acts of the Caucasian Archaeological Commission, vol. 4, Tiflis, 1870, pp. 92, 493.
Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p.16.

Referring to N. Abelian’s investigation into the Ayrums, Yer. Lalayan writes the following concerning their origin: “The nomadic Ayrums, tribes of Turkish origin, which mainly comprise Muslim Shiites speaking Atropatene dialect with a specific pronunciation, consider themselves resettlers from Rome, Byzantium. According to them, their ethnonym derives from the vocative ‘Ay Rum! (‘Ey, Urum!’),’ a distorted version of the name of Rome City. Absolutely akin to the other Turkish tribes, they constitute the communities of Amirvar, Aji, Birgyoz, Aykend, Dastafor, Damzhali, Gyuneydami, Zaghadarasi, Gharabulagh and Ghazakh-Yelchilakh...”

Works by Lalayan, Yer. Yerevan, 1988, p. 329, in Armenian.
Also see Abelov, N. A. A Study of the Economic Conditions of State Peasantry in Yelizavetpol District of Yelizavetpol Province. A reprint from Materials for the Study of the Economic Conditions of State Peasantry in Transcaucasia, vol. 7, Tiflis, 1887.
Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 16.

H. Vardanian, who investigated the question still further, arrives at an interesting conclusion: “In his work entitled Gandzak District, Lalayan suggests that those Turks are resettlers from Greece, their ethnonym, i.e. ‘Ayrum,’ being etymologized as ‘Ay Huyn.’ ...The author of this article, however, came across some Ayrums having Armenian surnames such as Ghazar-oghli, Yaghub-oghli, etc. The inhabitants of the Ayrum village of Yaghubli are the descendants of a certain Hakob, an Armenian who converted to Islam, the toponym of Yaghubli deriving from his name. Similarly, the Turkish residents of Garamurad Village come from Armenian prince Gharamurad. Getting to know the Ayrums better and making detailed inquiries into their families and ancestors, one involuntarily becomes convinced that these wretched Muslims are the offspring of our invincible heroes from Gardman Gorge. Their vocabulary retains such Armenian words as ‘hand,’ ‘havalik,’ ‘hakhchikh’ (i.e. ‘akhchik’), etc. ...The ethnonym of ‘Ayrum’ derives not from the phrase of ‘Ay Huyn,’ but that of ‘Hay-Huyn,’ which is a distortion of the name of ‘Hay-Rum.’ The more or less educated Ayrums share this viewpoint: an akhund maintaining the same hypothesis assured me that some ancient records referred to the Ayrums by the ethnonym of ‘Hay-Rum.’ A great number of Ayrums have told me that they were made to embrace Islam, due to which they called themselves Glij Musulmani, i.e. ‘Muslims converted by force.’ The Ayrums, who are not distinguished for the religious fanaticism typical of other Muslims, are absolutely indifferent to faith and rites: they do not even have a chapel throughout the district. Whenever I made any remarks concerning that fact, they answered me, “Can people have any sanctuaries or prayers if they were converted by the force of sword...?”

The Armenian equivalent for ‘Greek.’ The Armenian equivalents for respectively ‘field,’ ‘sorrel’ and ‘girl.’ Vardanian, H. A Few Words about the Ayrums. In: “Mshak,” 1914, No. 154, pp. 2-3, in Armenian.
Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, pp. 16-17.

H. Vardanian considers the Ayrums natives of the region, some other researchers supporting that view which is substantiated by a wealth of facts. According to another hypothesis, the Ayrums emigrated from the neighbourhood of Lake Urmia during the Turko-Persian war of the 18th century.

Karakashli, K. About the Ayrums. In: “Izvestya Obshestva Obsledovaniya i Izucheniya Azerbaijana,” No. 8, Baku, 1929, pp. 29-42, in Russian.
Kobichev, V. P. The Ayrums: The Origin of the Ethnonym. In: “Sovetskaya Etnografiya,” 1962, No. 3, p. 148, in Russian. There are absolutely no grounds for the author’s presumption that the Ayrums were not only the descendants of the Muslim Armenians but also those of the Armenianized Albanians. This hypothesis is not attested by any source, for the aforementioned lands were never inhabited by the Caucasian Albanians. Another article making passing reference to the Ayrums repeats the same viewpoint without going deep into it (Karapetian, M. M. The Dynamics of the Settlement of the Turkic-speaking Nomadic Tribes in the East of the Armenian Plateau in the late 14th and early 19th centuries. In: The Correlation of the Social and Ethnic Factors in Modern and Traditional Culture: A Collection of Articles. Moscow, 1983, p. 214, in Russian).
Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 17.

Anyway, it still remains vague when those Armenians were forced into adopting Islam and why they were called Ayrum. The territory of Historical Armenia comprises a great number of districts whose Armenian population converted to Mohammed’s faith by force, but they were not called Ayrum because of that. Then, what specific circumstances made part of Gardman Armenians adopt that name after their conversion?

The Soviet Armenian and Brief Armenian Encyclopedias consign the Ayrums to total oblivion, but the Soviet Azerbaijanian Encyclopedia states that they represent one of the ethnographical groups of the Azerbaijani people and inhabit Getabek, Dashkesan, Ghazakh, Karvajar, Shahumian, Khanlar and Touz Districts (Soviet Azerbaijanian Encyclopedia, vol. 1, Baku, 1976, p. 197, (all volumes in Azerbaijanian).
Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 17.

18 c․

All the aforementioned leads us to the following conclusion: 1 Most presumably, the Ayrums of Gardmank are indigenous to the region: meanwhile, however, we cannot refute the hypothesis that their ancestors were emigrants from Greece, the territory of the basin of Lake Urmia, or another place. 2 The origin of the ethnonym of ‘Ayrum’ is closely connected with those of ‘Hay’ (i.e. ‘Armenian’) and ‘Huyn’ (i.e. ‘Greek’). 3 The Ayrums attest that the churches preserved in their villages and their neighbourhood are Greek sanctuaries built by Greek masters: some ancient, evidently, Armenian grave-yards are alleged to belong to the Greeks. 4 The Ayrums’ forefathers were Christians who later forcedly converted to Islam. 5 Religious fanaticism, so typical of the newly-converted Armenian Muslims in many places, is absolutely alien to the Ayrums. None of their villages has any mosques; on the contrary, a number of Armenian churches serve as pilgrimage destination for the Ayrums as well. 6 The Turkic tribes that penetrated into North-Eastern Armenia shifted to a sedentary life only on the order of the Russian Government: a considerable part of them clang to nomadism even until the Soviet takeover. In contrast to them, by the mid-18th century, the Ayrums had already given up that way of life, their main occupation being farming (in Ararat Province) and bee-keeping (in Gardmank as attested by a record of 1810), which have nothing in common with nomadism. The aforementioned clearly suggests that the Ayrums are indigenous Armenians who adopted the Greek faith, being later forced to convert to Islam. They are not distinguished for religious fanaticism, for they did not profess any permanent religion throughout their existence. As for taking the Armenian churches for Greek ones, this can be explained by the fact that they adhered to the Greek church before adopting Islam and it left an imprint upon their historical memory. They are farmers and bee-keepers, since they descend from Armenian ancestors. They go to Armenian sanctuaries on pilgrimage, for their national (Armenian) traditions are still alive in their minds. Even taking into account all the aforementioned, we cannot find the answers to two important questions: firstly, when did that part of the Armenian nation adopt the Greek faith: under pro-Byzantine Catholicos Yezr in the 7th century, or following Armenian war-lord, prince Ivane Zakarian’s example, who converted at the period Georgia enjoyed great might? Secondly, when did they convert to Shiite Islam: between the 15th and 16th centuries, which is less probable, or in the 1720s, probably, between 1720 and 1750, together with a considerable part of the Armenians inhabiting Shaki, Dasan, Muskur, Shamakhi and Kapaghak Districts?

Two ruined churches named Aytselu Surb (the Armenian equivalent for ‘A Visiting Saint’), or Pirnazar and located in the Shamkor Valley, south of the village site of Tandzut (Chanakhchi), can serve as an example of the aforementioned (Barkhutariants, M. Artsakh. Baku, 1895, p. 305, in Armenian).
Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, pp. 17-18.

1840 y․

Northern Artsakh and, particularly, Gandzak was inhabited by Russian resettlers only after the region had become part of Russia. In the 1840s, the Tsarist authorities started founding villages of Russian sectarians, enjoying many privileges, in places considered especially important from a strategical standpoint (mainly on some highways and the areas adjoining the mountain passes). That policy was conducted not only in the district of Yelizavetpol, that had already been established, but also in the other places under Russian control. By the late 19th century, about 10 Russian villages had been founded in the ancient Armenian village sites that lay derelict in Yelizavetpol (Gandzak) Province. They existed in the Soviet years as well: however, immediately after the deportation of the local Armenian population (1988 to 1989), the Russians were obliged to leave their villages and repatriate to their homeland.

Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 18.

1817 y․

The Germans. Unable to endure Napoleon’s invasions and the heavy taxes any more, in 1817 at first 31 and then 1,400 families left the German kingdom of Vurtenberg and immigrated into the Russian Empire via Hungary and Valachia. Suffering great privations, in late 1818, 455 out of the 1,400 German families reached Caucasia, 194 of them later settling in Gandzak District. Their final destination was Palestine, but “...the Russian authorities made them stay in the region, where they founded 7 colonies, their number growing to 15 within a century.”

Works by Lalayan, Yer. Yerevan, 1988, pp. 329-330, in Armenian.
The German Immigrants in Caucasia. In: “Taraz,” 1912, No. 11, p. 192, in Armenian.
Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 18.

Trade

With the Russians’ conquest of Partaw between 913 and 914, the city “lost its significance, being relegated to an unimportant place” and yielding up its place to Gandzak, which had had a history of several decades by then.

Arabic Sources about Armenia and the Neighbouring Countries, vol. 3. Translated from the Arabic original into Armenian by Nalbandian, H., Yerevan, 1965, p. 145, note 97.
Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 18.

Situated at the junction of the most important commercial routes (Tpghis-Shamkor-Gandzak; Dvin-Parisos-Gandzak; Shamakhi-Arash-Gandzak; Shaki-Arash-Gandzak and Belukan-Partaw-Gandzak), Gandzak grew into one of the most populous trade centres in Transcaucasia. Although the following centuries marked great devastation in the city due to various invasions and earthquakes, it never lost predominance over the other towns and villages of the region.

Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 18.

Although the following centuries marked great devastation in the city due to various invasions and earthquakes, it never lost predominance over the other towns and villages of the region.

Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 18.

Gandzak or “Genje was famous for its horseshoes, iron and silk,” also boasting delicious “...pomegranate, grapes and acorn.”

Foreign Sources about Armenia and the Armenians: Turkish Sources by Evliya Chelebi, vol. 3. Translated from the Turkish original into Armenian with a foreword and notes by Safrastian, A. Yerevan, 1967, p. 86.
Turkish Sources about Armenia, Armenians and Other Peoples of Transcaucasia, vol. 2. Translated from the Turkish original into Armenian with a foreword and notes by Safrastian, A., vol. 2, Yerevan, 1964, p. 14.
Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 18.

1591 — 1592 yy․

Between 1591 and 1592, Khadim Hasan Pasha, the ruler of Anatolia Elayet, held the post of vizier in Gandzak Elayet. During that period, he sustained his army, amounting to several thousands, on the profit received from silk sale; besides, “he annually sent 150 bers of silk ... to the State Treasury.”

An ancient unit of weight. Turkish Sources about Armenia, Armenians and Other Peoples of Transcaucasia. Translated from the Turkish original into Armenian with a foreword and notes by Safrastian, A. vol. 2, Yerevan, 1964, p. 148.
Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 18.

1640 y․

A large commercial centre, Gandzak, indeed, must have had a market since earliest times, but it is only some visitors of a comparatively later period that mention it: thus, in 1640 the city had “a fine market.”

Foreign Sources about Armenia and the Armenians: Turkish Sources by Evliya Chelebi, vol. 3. Translated from the Turkish original into Armenian with a foreword and notes by Safrastian, A. Yerevan, 1967, p. 86.
Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 18.

Despite the continual hostilities, Gandzak retained its high fame up till the year 1827, after which “it lost its importance as a commercial centre.”

Hakobian, Hovh. Travel Notes, vol. 1, Yerevan, 1932, p. 375, note 7, in Armenian.
Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 18.

Most presumably, both in the Middle Ages and in the 19th century, Gandzak’s “...trade... was concentrated in the Armenians’ hands, the Tartars mainly dealing in fruits.” The market-place, located in Gandzak’s Turkish quarter, on the right bank of the river, “...comprised all the Armenian and Turkish stores: one could freely state that it represented a most beautiful sight in the city... ”

“Kavkaz,” 1859, No. 9, p. 42 (the original reads, “...Торговля, по обыкновению, сосредоточена в руках Армян. Занимаются, правда, торговлею и Татары, но преимущественно фруктами”).
“Krunk Hayots Ashkhari,” Tpkhis, 1861, p. 360, in Armenian.
Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 18.

1870 y․

The local trade was entirely conducted in the aforementioned market-place so that when on 26 June 1870 the river, flowing between the Armenian and Turkish quarters, burst its banks threatening to destroy the bridge lying over it, the inhabitants of the former were faced with the grave danger of famine: “...we, the residents of Kilisakend, would starve for several days, since the local trade is entirely concentrated in Gyanja. Surprisingly enough, the local Armenians, known as a comparatively developed people of initiative, are not engaged in commerce in their village of Kilisakend, almost all of them being employees.”

“Kavkaz,” 1870, No. 76, p. 2 (the original reads, “...мы, живущие на Килисакенте, остались бы голодными на несколько дней, так как здесь вся торговля производится в Ганже. Удивительно, что здешние армяне, народ сравнительно подвижной и предприимчивый не переносят торговли в Килисакент, где живут они сами и почти все служащие здесь”).
Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, pp. 18-19.

19 c․

In the late 19th century, some Gandzak merchants also unfolded their activity in the international arena, mainly exporting iron and silk, for which the city was renowned for hundreds of years. The following press publication comes to prove this, “Mahtesy102 Kerovbe Ter-Martirossiants, a wealthy trader from Gandzak, was to export a vast amount of insured iron, but the baggage recently suffered shipwreck in the river Volga... Well, he should remember what befell V. E. (formerly serving in the police), another merchant living in the same city, and thank his lucky stars: the latter was to convey silk chests of 10,000 rubles from Gandzak to Warsaw (his luggage was insured, too), but what reached that destination comprised merely some stones instead of silk...”

A title used with reference to Christian believers who are known to have gone to Jerusalem on pilgrimage. “Nor-Dar,” 1895, No. 114.
Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 19.

Silk weaving involved both the Armenian and Turkish inhabitants of Gandzak and the adjacent villages, while iron ore industry was mainly concentrated in the hands of the Armenians and the German immigrants working in Getabek’s and Karhat’s (Dashkesan) mines.

Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 19.

Yelizavetpol Province imported paper and metal tools, mainly exporting cereal products (8,312 poods per year), dried fruit (5,428 poods per year), as well as textiles and leather goods into Persia.

An ancient Russian unit of weight equal to 16.38 kgs. “Kavkaz,” 1904, No. 228, p. 3.
Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 19.

The Armenian traders also “imported goods from Turkey, Persia, Tiflis, Baku and different Russian cities, such as Moscow and Nizhni Novgorod. The merchandise imported was sold in their villages as well as in the adjacent Armenian and Turkish ones.”

Mazhak. A Letter from Gandzak. In: “Mshak,” 1873, No. 14, p. 2, in Armenian.
Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 19.

Monuments

The Historical Monuments of the Region. Throughout many years, the Azeri “researchers” did not spare efforts to prove that the Armenian monuments surviving in the territory of the Republic of Azerbaijan are of Albanian origin (meaning, indeed, Caucasian Albania). Between the 1970s and 1980s, Buniatov, Geyushev, Akhundov, Neymatova, Mamedova and other “scholars” kept publishing books and articles, attempting hard to declare Albanian what forms an inseparable part of Armenian culture: Jugha Cemetery of Nakhijevan, abounding in thousands of khachkars; the monasteries of Targmanchats (Of the Holy Translators) and Gag’s St. Sargis situated respectively in Dashkesan and Ghazakh Districts of Northern Artsakh (at present within Azerbaijan’s borders) as well as the following monasteries of Nagorno Karabakh: Gandzasar and Elisha the Apostle, Martakert District; Dadivank (Dad Monastery), Karvajar District; Amaras, Martuny District, etc.
Indeed, the goal of these historical falsifications, which pursue certain political considerations is obvious to the Armenians: by ascribing the entire Christian culture, that has nothing in common with their stock-breeding nomadic forefathers, to the Albanians (the Caucasian Albanians are referred to by the ethnonym of ‘Aghvan’ in Armenian), their alleged ancestors, these “scholars” want to make the present-day Azeris heir to that heritage. Thus, by a single stroke of pen, hundreds of Armenian churches were reduced to ‘alban-kilisas’ (‘kilisa’ is the Turkish equivalent for ‘church’), while tens of thousands of Armenian khachkars turned into ‘khachdashes’ (the Turkish equivalent for ‘cross-stone’).
Nowadays the Azerbaijani authorities have adopted another policy. They no longer make any attempts to attribute the Armenian cultural monuments to Caucasian Albanians: instead, they are busy with annihilating the very monuments once declared Albanian. Unfortunately, we cannot verify the actual scope of this unprecedented crime, for we witness the destruction of only those monuments that are closer to the Armenian border. As for those situated farther from the frontier zones, their fate remains unknown.
It is already several years since the Armenian press started repeatedly writing about the demolition of the historical cemetery of Jugha (Julfa) situated in the Autonomous Republic of Nakhijevan, an Armenian territory now under Azerbaijan’s control. Despite the storm of protests and appeals, however, the destruction of that rare cemetery was not prevented; moreover, the year 2005 marked its final annihilation, with more than 3,000 standing cross-stones being broken to pieces and taken away in an unknown direction.
Within several years, this unique memorial that the Armenians had created in their historical homeland was levelled with the ground in broad daylight, before the very eyes of the entire civilized world. We learnt about what had been perpetrated there only thanks to the fact that the cemetery, lying on the left bank of the river Arax, was clearly seen from the Iranian side of the border.
The annihilation of Jugha Cemetery was followed by the destruction of Gag’s St. Sargis Monastery.
At present the Azeris are busy with what has been a “vocation” for them since the very first day they slipped into our historical homeland, namely destruction... As for the Armenians, they are doomed to witness the demolition of their own cultural heritage.

Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 19.

Meves, who travelled in Gandzak Province in 1864, attests to the Armenian origin of a wealth of monuments preserved there: “While walking in the mountains of the province, I often came across...the traces of some Christian villages. It was simply impossible to cover ten versts without seeing church ruins which, to tell the truth, did not boast fine architectural features. All of them were built of pebble and cement, which had consolidated the stones to such an extent that they could hardly be torn away from those ruins. They belonged to the Christian (probably, Armenian) inhabitants of the province, now considered a Muslim one. These monuments attested that the mountainous parts of the region, now reduced to an encampment, used to be a blessed place of residence for some sedentary farmers. The nomads, however, forced them into abandoning those areas... The ruins of the Christian villages proved that they had once enjoyed development, prosperity and the abundance of working hands, but that is consigned to the past now...”

Meves, V. Articles on Yelizavetpol District. In: “Kavkaz,” 1865, No. 46, p. 249 (the original reads, “Во время поездок по горам уезда - мне часто попадались следы поселений, как видно, христианских. Нельзя проехать десяти верст, чтобы не встретить развалин церквей, правда, самой грубой архитектуры. Все эти церкви сложены из булыжного камня на каком то цементе, связывающем камни так крепко, что до сих пор с трудом можно вынуть камень из развалины. Эти развалины, - исторические памятники многочисленного христианского населения, вероятно армянского, в провинции, называемой теперь мусульманскою. Эти памятники свидельствуют еще и о том, что нагорная сторона уезда, превращена теперь в кочевки, была когда то лучшим местом для оседлой жизни земледельцев. А теперь что? Теперь номад выжил хлебороба!... Развалины христианских деревень доказывают, что здесь был и разум, и умение, и труд, да только давно...”).
Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 20.

Another researcher, N. Abelian, almost shares Meves’ views: “The monuments of Armenian architecture, i.e. the churches scattered in the Muslim villages, located in the upper-stream reaches of the rivers Gandzak and Shamkor, are engraved with Armenian inscriptions dating back to the 16th century. They are eloquent proof of the great number of the Armenians once inhabiting these lands: they also attest to the large-scale emigration of the local Armenians.”
A visitor writes the following concerning the state of the aforementioned monuments, “At present some of these churches lie in dilapidation and, regretful as it is, they serve as cattle-houses for the Muslim Ayrums of the neighbourhood.”

Abelov, N. A. A Study of the Economic Conditions of State Peasantry in Yelizavetpol District of Yelizavetpol Province. A reprint from Materials for the Study of the Economic Conditions of State Peasantry in Transcaucasia, vol. 7, Tiflis, 1887, p. 14 (the original reads, “Церкви армянской архитектуры, с армянскими надписями XVI века, ныне во множестве разбросанныя по мусульманским селениям, у верховьев рек Ганджа-чай и Шамхор-чай, свидетельствуют, как значительно было здесь армянское население и как велики были некогта массовыя переселения отсюда армян...”). Ibid. (the original reads, “Некоторыя из этих церквей стоят ныне в развалинах и, печально сказать, скотными дворами для живущих вблизи айрумов-мусульман.”).
Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 20.

1889 y․

In 1889 11 monasteries and 88 churches functioned in the province.

National Archives of Armenia, fund 56, list 1, file 8583, pp. 238-239.
Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 20.

Type Photo
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Author Hovhannes Badalian
Source Colour Negative