Getabek :: ARTSAKH LOCATIONS

31 Monuments

Azerbaijan (Country) / Northern Artsakh (Area) / Getabek (District) / Getabek (District Centre)

Location

Getabek is situated “in a plain lying at the edge of the wide gorge of Charek,” 48 kilometres south-west of Gandzak, within 35 kilometres of Shamkhor in the same direction, between 1,380 and 1,500 metres of altitude above sea level.

Jalaliants, S. A Travel to Great Armenia, part 2, Tpghis, 1858, p. 360.
Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 242.

1935 y․

The centre of the district of the same name, it has had the status of township since 1935143 and comprises the once Armenian-populated villages of Hin Getabak in the west, and Hayi Getabak (also known as ‘Ghazakh,’ ‘Ghazakhli’ and ‘Ghazakhashen’) in the north.

Soviet Armenian Encyclopedia, vol. 6, Baku, 1982, p. 76.
Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 242.

Name Origin

Presumably, the name of Getabek (originally, ‘Getabak’) derives from the confluence of the rivers Shamkor and Parisos: “Two of the tributaries of the river Shamkor, one flowing through Ghalakend, and the other from the other side of the mountain, merge together below. Probably, this explains the origin of the name of ‘Getabak’: the two tributaries coming from different sides give the area lying between them the appearance of a yard...”

‘Get’ is the Armenian equivalent for ‘river,’ and ‘bak’ is that for ‘yard.’‘ “Ardzagank,” 1888, No. 7, p. 86.
Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 242.

Historical Introduction

The township dates back to the depht of many millennia, the tombs archaeologists. V. Belk and A. Ivanovski unearthed in its territory (they date from the Bronze and early Iron Ages) proving this.

Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 242.

7 c․

The available Armenian sources first mention ‘Getabak’ in the 7th century as the name of a castle. Escaping the persecution of Catholicos Yezr I Parazhnakerttsy (630 to 641), Archimandrite Hovhan Mayravanetsy, the guardian of St. Grigor Church of Dvin and an adherent of Chalcedonism, first found refuge in Mayravank Cloister of Solak (the present-day village of Solak in Kotayk Marz of the Republic of Armenia). Later, however, “...he settled down in a remote place in the neighbourhood of Getabak Castle, where he spent his further life in prayers.”

History of Armenia by Kirakos Gandzaketsy. Prepared for publication by Melik-Ohanjanian K. Yerevan, 1961, p. 55.
Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, pp. 242-243.

Isolated from the outer world in Getabak, the sage “wrote three works which, however, remained anonymous, for their author was afraid lest people should accept them. One of them was entitled Khrat Varuts, the other Hamatarmatar, and the third one Noyemak.

Universal History by Stepanos Taronetsy the Asoghik. St. Petersburg, 1885, p. 87.
Ormanian, M. History of a Nation, vol. 1, Echmiatzin, 2001, pp. 801, 811-813, all volumes in Armenian.
Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 243.

1206 y․

The castle of Getabak is also mentioned in connection with the events of the 13th century, when the Armeno-Georgian forces, led by Ivane and Zakare Zakarian, liberated the districts of North Armenia, including Getabak (1206), from the Seljuk-Turks: “...in the year 655, they took the royal residence of Kars, after which they reconquered Charek and Getabak...”

History by Vardan Vardapet. Venice, 1862, p. 138.
Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 243.

Several decades later, the Mongol-Tartars invaded Transcaucasia and occupied the stronghold: “...started dividing up the most important places of the districts conquered, and the castle went to a noble prince named Noyin. They started for their domains and immediaely established their sway there... Ghatagha Noyin left for Charek, Getabak and Vardanashat.” According to another source, the Mongols also “...attacked Gardman and some other forts, then under Vahram’s rule... one of their commanders-in-chief, named Ghatagha Noyin, sieging Charek and Getabak.”

History by Vardan Vardapet. Venice, 1862, p. 146.
Injijian, Gh. A Historical Research into Ancient Armenia. Venice, 1822, pp. 339-340, in Armenian.
History of Armenia by Kirakos Gandzaketsy. Prepared for publication by Melik-Ohanjanian K. Yerevan, 1961, pp. 242-243.
Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 243.

1659 y․

The sources of the subsequent period mention Getabak as a scriptorium: “...in ownership of the church, by worthless, sinful and humble Hovhannes, in Sourb Astvatzatzin and Sourb Herdzan of Gatapag Village, Shamkor, under Catholicos of Aghvank His Holiness Petros, whose seat was in Gandzasar, in the year 1659 of the calendar of Habet’s family.” (An extract from the colophon of a manuscript Aysmavurk (a book of the feast-days of different saints and martyrs also containing their hagiography) copied by scribe Hovhannes in the local church of Sourb Astvatzatzin in 1659).

Colophons of the Armenian Manuscripts of the 17th century, vol. 3. Compiled by Hakobian, V. Yerevan, 1984, p. 876.
The manuscript is kept in the Matenadaran (No 4559); Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 243.

1691 y․

The Armenians of Getabak took part in the struggle for the throne of the Supreme Pontiff that broke out immediately after Petros Catholicos’s death. In 1691 Bishop David, Archimandrite Azaria as well as a certain Tamraz and Khachatur signed “A Document of Agreement” in favour of Catholicos Yeremia together with the representatives of the other classes of the society, including “...Bishop David from Ketapak..., ...Archimandrite Azaria from Getabak Monastery..., Getabak inhabitant Grigor’s son Tamraz..., ...Khachatur from Getabak...”

“Ararat,” 1900, p. 320.
Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 243.

1702 y․

In 1702 Persian Shah Husein I put Getabak Village, together with its population, farming lands and pastures, into the possession of Hovhannes Bey, an Armenian in origin, in gratitude for some service he had rendered to him. He also ordered the Governor of Gandzak to avoid ever trespassing on the newly-bestowed lands and annoying the bey “either by pen or through action.” As for the local peasants, they were obliged to regard Hovhannes as their master and obey all his decisions.

Tbilisi’s Collection of Persian Firmans, vol. 2. Compiled by Todua, M. A. and Shams, I. K. Tbilisi, 1989, pp. 34-35, all volumes in Russian.
Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 243.

1770 y․

The available written sources do not contain any reference to Getabak until its devastation in the 1770s.

Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 243.

Resettlement
1861 y․

In 1861 about twenty Armenian families from Kot, Ghalacha and Voskepar Villages of Ghazakh District took up residence in the site of the abandoned Armenian village. Later the newly-established settlement of Hayi (Nor) Getabek (Getabak) was more frequently referred to as ‘Ghazakh-Getabek,’ or simply ‘Ghazakh’ (‘Ghazakhli’).

National Archives of Armenia, fund 56, list 6, file 889, p. 1. According to an archive document of 1912, the village was founded 51 years ago, namely in 1861. M. Barkhutariants traces its establishment back to 1863, stating that “first they settled down ... on the east-facing slope of a mountain in the east of Hin Getabak, but later moved to Nor Getabak on a Government order” (Barkhutariants, M. Artsakh, Baku, 1895, p. 313). It is, however, absolutely wrong to trace the village back to 1863, since the earliest available sources mentioning it as an Armenian-inhabited locality date from 1861. “Nor-Dar,” 1889, No. 174, p. 3.
Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 243.

Population

The existing statistical records concerning Getabak’s Armenian inhabitants trace back to the period following the aforementioned resettlement.

Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 243.

1901 y․

In 1901/1902 their number plummeted down due to the fact that some of them moved from the village. Getabak used to be famous for its copper mines, but by the late 19th century the resources of the copper ore had been exhausted, as a result of which many mines had stopped working. The majority of Getabak Armenians being miners by trade, that brought them close to unemployment so that they started addressing petitions to the authorities for permission to move elsewhere. They viewed the ancient site of Mokoshanots, located within the estates of Charek Monastery, 3 kilometres of their village, as a desirable place of resettlement.

National Archives of Armenia, fund 56, list 6, file 889, p. 1. According to a document of 1912, the village lands had grown barren in the previous 13 years. A record of the late 19th century states the following with this regard, “The village is constantly shrouded in smoke coming from the copper mine, and this inflicts formidable damage upon the local fields, for the ears of the nearby grain plants are burnt and those of the distant places are hindered from regular growth. This is the reason why the villagers who cannot find enough work in the mine have applied to the authorities with a request to be moved somewhere else” (Lalayan, Yer. Gandzak District. In: “Azgagrakan Handes,” vol. 5, Tiflis, 1899, No. 1, p. 328).
Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, pp. 243-244.

1874 y․

The statistical data regarding some years (1874, 1914) are slightly exaggerated, since they are based on the results of a population census carried out by the Government. In fact, they reflect the number of the entire population of the city and not only that of the Armenians.

Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 244.

Historical Introduction
1915 y․

In 1915 196 fugitives who had had a narrow escape of the Genocide of the Armenians perpetrated in the Ottoman Empire found refuge in Getabak and were accommodated in about 25 houses.

National Archives of Armenia, fund 56, list 6, file 1058, pp. 1, 5.
Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 249.

Description
1890 y․

The environment in Getabak was highly polluted and dangerous for the local residents. A traveller who visited it in 1890 writes the following with this regard, “The mine was still far in the distance, but we could already feel the intolerable smoke so that when we entered the village we were almost suffocated to death. Woe betide the local people! Perhaps, it was due to that smoke and poor water that they seemed sick to me. The gardeners were mostly Turkish, but the outstanding inhabitants and shop-keepers were Armenians two of whom regularly received the “Nor-Dar” magazine.”

Yeghishe Charents Art and Literature Museum. Sargis Kamalian Fund, copy-book No. 1, VI-11, pp. 20-21.
Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 244.

Mines
19 c․

In 1849 the brothers Mekhov, Greeks in origin, commenced “large-scale exploitation” of Getabak’s copper mines. Their company extracted and processed up to 10,000 poods (a pood is equal to 16,380 kgs, i.e. 163, 800 kgs) of copper ore per annum. Later, however, they severred their partnership due to some discrepancy. In 1864 the company, that had enough means for further activity, sold its rights to brothers Carl, Walter and Werner Siemens.

Karapetian, S. The Mining District of Dashkesan as the only Economic Bulwark of the Territorial Integrity of Artsakh-Gardman. In: “Gardmank,” November-December 1996, No. 3, p. 12, in Russia.
Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, pp. 244-245.

According to a source, the mine had been previously exploited by the Armenians, and it was they who sold it to the aforementioned Germans: “Twenty-five years ago, Getabek’s copper mill belonged to some Armenians from Gandzak who exploited the mine through some antediluvian system, employing a pair of huge bellows, perhaps, handed down to them by their forefathers. Their organization of the work absolutely lacking any principles, they received but some meagre income...”

“Nor-Dar,” 1889, No. 174, p. 3. The interest of the company in this famous mine was due to the growing demand for copper in Germany, where it was used in machinery construction and war industry. It acquired wooded territories in the valleys of the rivers Zakam and Shamkor, and built a copper-smelting mill in Getabek (it functioned between 1865 and 1914). In 1883 the Germans founded another similar mill near the castle of Parisos, in the village of Ghalakend (it closed in 1906), and established a narrow-wheel railway connecting Getabak with Ghalakend and Bayram-Ali. In 1894 they put into operation an oil pipeline of two pumping stations extending at a distance of 45 kilometres between Dalyar and Getabak.
Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 245.

A contemporary of Siemens Company left a record of great interest regarding its activity: “A large copper mine belonging to Siemens & Comp. is located in a place named Getabek in Gandzak Province. It has numerous cutting-edge crucibles and kilns, working by coal, wood and oil. It also owns many buildings intended for the miners and workers, its staff including specialists of all spheres, such as doctors, architects, etc. Siemens & Comp. has its own college, drug-store, telegraph-station, iron mill as well as a carpenter’s workshop and a railway station both within the territory of the mill in Ghalakend and Bayram-Ali, where the store-houses of coal and wood are situated. Raw or black oil is received from Baku via the railway station of Dalyar, near which the company has an oil depository and a separate mill whence oil is taken first to the Armenian-populated village of Chardakhlu, located within 15 versts, and then to the mine on carts (there is another telegraph station on that route). We learnt that the miners’ and other workers’ salary totaled 25,000 to 30,000 rubles, excluding various other expenses which did not constitute a small sum.”

“...The railroad of Getabek, extending within 31 versts, connects the copper mills of Getabak and Ghalakend with each other, and both of them with the forest of Shamkhor. It was built in 1883 for the purpose of supplying wood and coal for the aforementioned mills. It stretches through highly mountainous areas which comes to prove that mountains and railways can coexist without any problem...” (“Mshak,” 1891, No. 60, p. 2). The miners comprised representatives of different nationalities, including Armenian artisans and ploughmen who were in rather grave financial conditions, especially, when “Manager of the mine Mr. Bernulu was succeeded by Wilhelm Richard Bolton. The latter started reducing their salary, imposing various taxes on them. This is the reason why the Armenians, who had very small plots of land and mainly lived on the payment received from the mine, could hardly eke out a bare existence” (“Nor-Dar,”1889, No. 201, p. 2). Also see “Ardzagank,” 1888, No. 7, p. 86 & Lalayan, Yer. Gandzak District. In: “Azgagrakan Handes,” vol. 5, Tiflis, 1899, No. 1, pp. 279-281 for further information about the copper mines belonging to Siemens Company; In: Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 145.

1864 — 1914 yy․

Between 1864 and 1914, the company extracted more than a million 700,000 tons of copper ore and smelted about 58,000 tons of copper of it.

Karapetian, S. The Mining District of Dashkesan as the only Economic Bulwark of the Territorial Integrity of Artsakh-Gardman. In: “Gardmank,” No. 3, p. 12. Between 1864 and 1917, about a hundred million poods of copper ore was extracted and nearly three million poods of copper smelted.
Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 246.

On the eve of World War I, Getabak was gradually exhausted of copper resources, which made the Company shift to the exploitation of sulphur ore, selling 100.000 poods of raw material to Nobel Oil Company, Baku, Azerbaijan, per year.

Karapetian, S. The Mining District of Dashkesan as the only Economic Bulwark of the Territorial Integrity of Artsakh-Gardman. In: “Gardmank,” No. 3, p. 12.
Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 246.

Among the mine managers of distincion, Bernuli (he held office until 1875), Wilhelm Richardovich Bolton (1875 to 1900) and Gustav Kelle (he assumed office in 1900) can be mentioned.

“Nor-Dar,” 1889, No. 201, p. 2; “Mshak,” 1900, No. 26, p. 3.
Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 246.

In the first years of Azerbaijan’s Sovietization, Getabak’s copper mine retained its status of one of the largest centres of sulphur extraction in Transcaucasia. Later it was included in Dashkesan’s Mining and Industrial District, established on the basis of the administrative districts of Shahumian, Khanlar, Dashkesan and Getabek. As a result of the extension of production, Hayi (Nor) Getabak ceased existing as a separate village and became part of the present-day district centre of Getabak together with Hin Getabak, that had been reduced to ruins still earlier.

Apresov, S. The Prospects of Copper Industry in Getabek District. In: “Ekonomicheski Vestnik Azerbayjana,” Baku, 1926, No. 10, p. 11, in Russian.
Karapetian, S. The Mining District of Dashkesan as the only Economic Bulwark of the Territorial Integrity of Artsakh-Gardman. In: “Gardmank,” 1996, No. 2, August-October, p. 15.
Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 246.

Armenian-Turkish Fights of 1905 to 1906
1905 y․

Hayi Getabak was one of those Armenian-populated villages of Gandzak District that was totally plundered, ruined and burnt down by the Turkish mob of the adjacent settlements. The atrocities broke out on 17 November 1905, when some of the inhabitants of Parakend set alight 60 carts of grass belonging to Abbas Hajiyev, a wood-keeper from Getabak, to have a plea for attacking the local Armenians. Several days later, the priest of the Russian village of Frezevka told Al. Shepillo, a newly-appointed police officer then in Slavyanka, that the Turks were planning to mount an offensive against Getabak. On 22 November, the Turkish residents of Sogutlu, Miskinli and other villages encircled Ghazakh-Getabak and the local market: “...all the Armenians had closed their shops, the people having gathered near the Armenian church and waiting horrified for the enemy to attack. Meanwhile, the latter, who had divided up into large groups totaling 500 people, had fortified themselves in the market.”

“Nor-Dar,” 1889, No. 174, p. 3.
Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 246.

1905 y․

The young inhabitants of Getabek, however, did not yield up to the huge Turkish throng and got into positions, putting up self-defence: “A group of young fellows who were small in number but did not lack courage fortified themselves amidst the stones of a cemetery lying between the market and the village. They succeeded in defending both places all day long despite the fact that the Turkish mob was gradually increasing, making the fighting still more and more difficult. Seeing that it was becoming impossible to repel the enemy from both places simultaneously, the young men returned to the village, that allowing the former to burst into the market in an insatiable longing for pillage.” Finally, the avaricious throng that was growing larger with every passing hour managed to break the resistance of the Armenians who had appeared under siege but could not expect any outside help. Some of them had a narrow escape by somehow reaching Chardakhlu on foot, but many others lost their lives in the fighting.

A-Do, The Armeno-Turkish Fights in Caucasia. Yerevan, 1907, pp. 349-350.
Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 246.

1905 y․

According to some information provided by police officer Al. I. Shepillo, about 50 Armenians, including men, women and children, were burnt to death in their houses. The local Armenian church of St. Gevorg was plundered and devastated.

Al. Shepillo is the author of two important documents: a report written for Governor General of Gandzak on 7 December 1905 and published in the 22 January 1906 issue of the “Mshak” newspaper, and a letter addressed to the editorial staff of the “Tifliski Listok” and printed in its 28 May 1906 issue (later its translation into Armenian was republished in the 30 May 1906 number of the “Mshak.” In 1910 Kajberuny republished both documents in his series of articles entitled The Destruction of Bada Village (in: “Ararat,” June 1910, pp. 528-532; July, pp. 651-654, in Armenian). Al. Shepillo, who had been appointed Police Officer before the outbreak of the massacres, on 14 November, arrived in Getabak three days later. However, the intrigues plotted by acting police officer Aliyev hindered him from entering upon office immediately. Although he attempted to keep the situation under control, he proved unable to anyhow influence the further developments. Another account of the plunder and devastation perpetrated in Getabak is provided by engineer Adolf Ern, then Manager of the local copper-smelting mill and an eye-witness to all those events (“Mshak,” 1906, No. 59, 3 February, p. 2; N 69, 17 March, p. 3).
“Ararat,” June 1910, p. 531.
National Archives of Armenia, fund 53, list 1, file 3764, p. 278.
Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 247.

1905 y․

The Turkish bandits chased the survivors of that carnage even on their way to Chardakhlu. Horrified at the atrocities they had committed, the inhabitants of Slavyanka showed a treacherous attitude to the Armenian refugees running away on foot and refused to give them carts.

A-Do, The Armeno-Turkish Fights in Caucasia. Yerevan, 1907, p. 354.
Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 247.

1905 y․

The tragedy that befell Getabek had been plotted and perpetrated by acting police officer Aliyev and a certain Mahmed, the head of Miskinli Village.

“Ararat,” June 1910, p. 531.
Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 247.

1905 y․

A. Oherny, a German mill owner, prepared quite a detailed report on the massacres of Getabak which was later published by archaeologist Lehmann Haupt. Although remarkable for rather a simplified approach and interpretation of some episodes (thus, murderer Aliyev is represented as a humane, peace-keeping official), it is, nonetheless, an important source for the study of those events.

Below follows a translation of that report (translated from the German original into Armenian by Ash. Hayruny and published for the first time in: Karapetian, S. Northern Artsakh. Yerevan, 2004, in Armenian): “One day von Bolton took me to Alayar-Bey Tsulgadarov (later he [the bey] earned himself high repute for his, unfortunately, futile efforts to put an end to the atrocities committed in Getabek in 1906 due to the enmity between the Tartars and Armenians). A report that Mr. A. Oherny, the Manager of the local mill, sent to me from Getabek provides very important information about these formidable events. It should be pointed out that police officer Museib Aliyev, a Tartar whose name is frequently mentioned in that document, was a very active and daring person: within a short time, his strictness and objectivity earned him confidence among the Tartars, Russians and Armenians. At the out break of the conflict, he was to be replaced by an extremely inactive person who was completely unfamiliar with the area and had no command of the Tartar language: fortunately, however, Aliyev stayed in Getabek. The report goes as follows, ‘On 18 November (according to the old calendar) 1906, the Tartar and Armenian inhabitants of Yelizavetpol entered into a heavy fighting, which extremely upset the people living here, for everybody realized that only a most insignificant incident would be enough to spark off blind national fanaticism in this district as well, since it had a mixed Armenian and Tartar population. According to a trustworthy source, the outbreak of the Armeno-Tartar massacres in Yelizavetpol was due to some rumours that spread in the city on the morning of 18 November, alleging that a great number of Tartar corpses had been found in its neighbourhood and below a bridge (this information has not been verified so far). Shortly afterwards, a Turkish throng burst into the Armenian shops and started killing the Armenian merchants by revolvers and daggers (the Tartars’ shops were closed, since it was the Muslims’ day off). After the stores had been burnt down, plunder and murders gradually assumed larger scale both among the Armenians and the Tartars. Unfortunately, the local servicemen, who were small in number, did not intervene at once, which facilitated the influx of still more Tartars into the city. Thus, the ravage was not prevented in due time so that most of the city was reduced to ruins within several days. The news of these events spread here and there at lightning speed. On the evening of 18 November, the Kurds living in the neighbourhood of Dallyar plundered the Armenian shops of the settlement, those in the colony of Annenfeld sharing that fate the following evening. Their owners either ran away or hid themselves somewhere, like the Armenians working for the German immigrants. The Tartar bandits enjoyed such an overwhelming majority and behaved so aggressively that neither the police officer with his policemen nor the German resettlers dared to intervene... The day following the fruitless Armeno-Tartar peace talks held on 20 November (Sunday) under Alayar-Bey Tsulgadarov’s chairmanship, most of the workers and employees who had come to Getabek to earn their living left the village, the last of them returning after the following midday. Despite that, however, the village still had a number of Armenian families which lived on the stable income they received in the local mill, their houses and property being, naturally, located there. At 5:10 on 22 November, it had begun getting dark, but the mill continued working. Suddenly some shots were heard in its direction from the market and the yard of the Armenian church. The Office of the Mill Administration rapidly closed. Suleyman Bey and Police Officer Aliyev, who were on their way to the market, came back, for they seemed to be the targets of the fire that kept intensifying. It had broken out after some cries for help had been heard from the market: as it turned out, some Tartars had attempted to seize an Armenian’s gun there. The Armenians who had hidden themselves in the yard of the ancient Armenian church (they included many humbis, i.e. members of the Armenian Committee who had come from Turkey and were armed with modern guns) immediately opened fire in the direction of the market, whence their shots were incessantly answered. Ten of the night guards and security workers of the mill who had gathered near a local memorial, instantaneously opened fire in the direction of the church, without having received any orders to do so (they thought the firing was aimed at themselves). They had already fired a minimum of thirty shots by the time the officials present managed to somehow put them to order. Meanwhile, the market still suffered incessant firing, the bullets continually whistling past the House of Administration and the gardens of the employees’ dwellings, sometimes hitting their rafters. It was highly dangerous to leave houses at that time: court investigator Lipski, who had come out of a hotel and was on his way to the market, was shot dead (the following morning his corpse was found behind a ruined store). In the meantime, some 220 mounted Tartars (according to some information, 180 of them were from Ayipli, and 40 from Hilihanli) gathered in the market and repelled the Armenians who were shooting and casting shells from inside their houses (the explosion caused by the latter was clearly distinguished from the reports). With the people’s vexation gradually growing, at 7:30 the first flames of fire appeared in the market. The Armenians plundered and burnt down a store belonging to a Persian named Alapker. The next victim of fire was merchant Avetis Ohanesov’s booth set alight with the Armenians’ own hands, the other Armenian shops sharing that fate together with a number of Tartar ones. During that night of horror (22 to 23 November), gun-shots and explosion were incessantly heard from the market-place, intertwined with loud cries and shouts. The Tartars searched the local houses and workers’ dwellings, killing all those Armenians who had not managed to run away. I was well-familiar with the victims who included merchants, craftsmen, silversmiths, farriers, carpenters and their family members. All the corpses, totaling 35, were thrown into a smelting chamber and consigned to flames: it was only some weeks later that their remains were found and buried. Old watch-maker Alexandre Belakhiants’ dead body, with his neck severed, was found the following morning on the way leading to the city’s Russian church. The Tartars’ corpses (their victims must have amounted to about 33) were immediately moved away: the following morning, only a single dead Kurd lay in the centre of the market. At sunrise (23 November), some groups of Tartars came from the adjacent villages and started plundering first the abandoned Armenian houses and then the employees’ dwellings. The mills having stopped working the previous evening, the Persian miners had fled to Gerger, Miskinli and Karamurad Villages, while the Greeks and Turks had moved to the foundry whence they accommodated themselves in a workshop. Escaping the Tartar bandits, the superintendents and workers, living near the borehole cavity and in the ore shop, entered the pit-face, leaving their dwellings in the hands of the Tartar robbers. After Avetis Papiyev, the guardian of the dynamite basement, had been killed early in the morning, the enemy began plundering the Armenian houses located near Werner's old bore. The Turks and Tartars living there ran away and their belongings were stolen. Upon receiving that news, Police Officer Aliyev rushed to the pit-face with several of his security workers, chased away the bandits and charged 12 armed people from the neighbouring village of Arokhdam with guarding the place. Actively supported by Mamed and Rahim, the oldest inhabitants of Miskinli and Karamurad, Aliyev worked without sparing efforts to forbid plunder: he even ordered to shoot many of the bandits, constantly exposing himself to danger. On the second day of the carnage, some messengers were sent to Yelizavetpol for military aid. Given the current dangerous situation, after midday all the officials moved to the House of Administration and House N 2 together with their families, their dwellings being put under guard. The Armenians who had stayed in the mill hoping to be protected by these high-ranking people moved to the aforementioned two houses and adjacent buildings. We attempted to force them into leaving for Ghazakhli, but in vain: they thought they would be safer with us. On the morning of 24 November, large multitudes of mounted Tartars arrived in Getabek and encircled the mill. The workers’ panic grew to the utmost, for nobody knew what the Tartars had planned to do. Accompanied by his body-guards, the police officer rushed to the ore workshop behind which a mountain towered. After a long meeting convened on its slope, the Tartars left for Ghazakhli and started chasing its former inhabitants, now relegated to fugitives. They also began plundering the village, continuing their “work” even more unceremoniously near the pit-face, in Getabek’s market and the workers’ dwellings, the loot being carried away on carts.The robbers took away even the doors and windows of the buildings, partly broken by axe. It was almost at the risk of his life that Police Officer Aliyev managed to somehow restrict the scale of pillage and keep the bandits away from the mill (prior to that, he had mercilessly shot dead the thieves who had stolen some oil resources). The Armenian buildings still standing in the market were totally burnt down after the aforementioned pillage (the hotel belonging to the mill escaped both fire and plunder). The workers were in bad need of bread, for most of the bakeries had been plundered and did not function. The bread they baked in their dwellings was not sufficient so that they had to order bread from Slavyanka. The situation of the Armenians who had found shelter in our houses aggravated still further and further, for the Tartars kept demanding that we should deliver them up. Although we always firmly declared that the Armenians who had found protection with us were immune from any persecution and we were obliged to guarantee their safety even at the cost of our lives, the Tartars seemed unwilling to put up with it and finally informed us that they could no longer be responsible for our security unless we delivered up “those captives.” The Armenians were now in a critical situation, facing still more and more serious problems. In the meantime, the workers of the mill had begun worrying for their safety. Consulting the police officer, we came to the conclusion that the only salvation of our so-called “hostages” was to move them to an Armenian territory as soon as possible. Aliyev expressed readiness to organize it under his own protection. Such a settlement of the problem seemed particularly expedient given the information received from Tiflis, Yelizavetpol and other places about the strike of the railway, post-offices and telegraph-stations, which thwarted all our hopes of getting immediate military aid. In order to realize what we had planned to, we had to get the Tartars’ consent so that we invited the most influential of them to an evening talk together with the local mullah. We conveyed the request of all the workers of the mill, namely to allow the Armenians to leave the settlement freely, to them. It was only after lengthy talks held in the presence of the police officer that the Tartars agreed not to hinder the realization of that plan. Despite that, however, I found it expedient to visit the Armenians late in the evening and suggest that the men run away at night, for the transportation of the women and children would be, certainly, less dangerous. My proposal being rejected, the Armenians decided to start together the following morning under police control. At sunrise (25 November, Friday), three carts were prepared for some 40 to 45 Armenians, including women and children, who left the village at 7:30 with Police Officer Aliyev, 8 security guards and the heads of two Tartar villages (I accompanied them up to the road). However, hardly had the carts reached the vicinity of the Russian church when the carts became targets of some treacherous bullets fired from an ambush. Totally horrified, those sitting on them jumped down to save their lives by running away. The first victim of that trap was carter Grigor (for several times, he had taken me to Anet’s meadow and other adjacent places), who fell down, with his skull crumbled to pieces. Police Officer Aliyev fought the murderers like a hero, shooting a bandit with his own hands. An Armenian, a travelling salesman working for Zinger Company who sought protection with Aliyev, was killed right in his arms. Security worker Hambardzum Tumanov, carpenter Petros Khachaturov and his old fellow craftsman Sargis Shahnazarov were shot during their attempt to flee. The same fate befell Khachatur Adamov, a boiler-man who died in the yard of a local hospital. A woman fell victim to blind nationalism in front of the closed gates of the House of Administration. Many young boys ran away to a gorge lying below the road, trying to hide themselves below the bridge of the workshop: they, however, were found and cruelly killed. Old carpenter Amirov’s 16-year-old daughter, who had found shelter below the bridge, was found and kidnapped. Her father managed to run away, but he was said to have been killed on the road leading to Barsum. Carpenters Melik Shahnazarov, Alexandre Altumov and Amirhan had a narrow escape from that carnage: after three days of unspeakable torture, they found haven in Chardakhli. With bitter weeping, Police Officer Aliyev gathered the surviving women and children, about 30 in number, and took them to the hospital of the mill, where Dr. Rozen and his sister committed themselves to providing them with food (the hospital also gave refuge to several wounded Tartars). It was only on 26 November (Saturday) that the pillage stopped and the workers’ dwellings were taken under guard. After midday on 29 November (Tuesday), some cavalry units reached Getabek, the entire population of the village meeting them near the Russian church. The disciplined, well-dressed cavalry troops made such an encouraging impression on these wretched people that many of the men stood weeping. The mill gradually resumed work, but the neighbouring villages, particularly Slavyanka, still suffered invasions of mounted Tartar hordes fighting under the red flag. Soon some troubling letters were received from Tiflis, where the situation was aggravating with every single passing day. That city had not escaped the bloody Armeno-Tartar fights which were expected to bring the country to the brink of total bankruptcy, revolt and wide-spread strikes. On 6 December 1906, the railway workers went on a general strike (permission for the use of the railway was granted by the Strike Office of the Russian Social-Democratic Workers’ Party). It was only in the last days of the previous year that some passenger trains were allowed to resume work. Peace was not immediately restored in Getabek, this being proved by the regrettable fact that at New Year’s night the Armenian side organized an armed attack against the neighbouring village of Sogutli located within 4 versts of Getabek. It was repelled only through the intervention of the cavalry troops which had accidentally stopped there for the night. Despite that, however, the Tartars suffered 30 fatalities, including 17 women and small children: besides, almost all their cattle had been driven away. The Armenians who somehow reached Sogutlu via the Dukhobors’ village of Novo-Gorelovka had suffered about 17 losses. Since Getabek and the adjacent Russian villages, including Slavyanka and Novo-Gorelovka, were situated in the area between the districts of Yelizavetpol and Nor Bayazetshen, the Armenians were expected to attack the Tartar villages located on their way. On the other hand, the Armenian village of Chardakhli hindered the Tartars living in the plain from reaching the mountain pastures; that is why, we feared lest that should lead to another outbreak of fighting between the two enemy peoples, its prevention being possible only through the mediation of sufficient armed forces’” (Lehmann-Haupt, C. F., op. cit., pp. 150-154).
Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 247.

1906 y․

Some time later, seeing that the authorities did not take any steps to punish the organizers and perpetrators of the aforementioned slaughter, the Armenians of Bada, Chardakhlu and Ghazakh-Getabak decided to take vengeance upon those Turkish brigands who had particularly distinguished themselves for their brutality. On 1 January 1906, they laid siege to the village of Sogutlu which was known as a den of criminals where the Turks had concentrated all their loot.
The subsequent years marked revival and reconstruction in Getabak: the local school reopened, the church was renovated and life resumed its former course.

A-Do, The Armeno-Turkish Fights in Caucasia. Yerevan, 1907, p. 354. See p. 288 of the present work for further information about the destruction of the criminal den of Sogutlu by the revengeful Armenians.
Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, pp. 247-249.

Village Heads
1908 y․

In 1908 the village was governed by Aghabek Aghasariants.

National Archives of Armenia, fund 53, list 1, file 1274, p. 10.
Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 249.

Priests
1869 y․

At first the spiritual shepherd of Pib served the community of Getabak, but in 1869 Movses Ter-Galstian Mamikoniants was ordained there.

National Archives of Armenia, fund 56, list 1, file 5394, p. 10.
Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 250.

1890 — 1903 yy․

Between 1890 and 1903, Shmavon Boriants is mentioned.

Yeghishe Charents Art and Literature Museum. Sargis Kamalian Fund, copy-book No. 1, VI-11, p. 21.
National Archives of Armenia, fund 53, list 1,file 1104, p. 17.
Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 250.

1917 y․

On 24 July 1917, the Synod granted permission for Hamazasp Khachatrian to be ordained priest in Getabak.

“Ararat,” 1917, p. 605.
Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 250.

View General
Source Black-and-white negative
Date 20 c․

Name	Year/Century	Etymology
Getabak
Ghazakh-Getabek
Ghazakh (Ghazakhli)
Hayi Getabek (Getabak)
Nor Getabek (Getabak)

Below follows a table indicating the changes the number of Getabak inhabitants underwent between 1861 and 1914:

Dates	Armenian Houses	Armenians (Male)	Armenians (Female)	Total (Armenians)	Notes	Source
1861	18					National Archives of Armenia, fund 53, list 1, file 3835, pp. 148-149; Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 244.
1866	18	96	58	154		National Archives of Armenia, fund 53, list 1, file 3848, p. 57; Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 244.
1870		106	64	170		National Archives of Armenia, fund 53, list 1, file 3857, pp. 49-50; Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 244.
1872		147	109	256		National Archives of Armenia, fund 53, list 1, file 3872, pp. 62-63; Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 244.
1873				197		National Archives of Armenia, fund 53, list 1, file 3864, pp. 40-41; Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 244.
1874				653		Caucasian Calendar for 1886, Tiflis, 1885, p. 125; Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 244.
1875				208		National Archives of Armenia, fund 53, list 1, file 3866, pp. 44-45; Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 244.
1876				225		National Archives of Armenia, fund 53, list 1, file 3868, pp. 57-58; Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 244.
1877		135	101	236		National Archives of Armenia, fund 53, list 1, file 3869, pp. 54-55; Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 244.
1878	20-25	137	99	236		National Archives of Armenia, fund 53, list 1, file 3870, p. 22-23; “Mshak,” 1878, No. 145, p. 2; Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 244.
1881		148	107	255		National Archives of Armenia, fund 53, list 1, file 3873, pp. 27-28; Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 244.
1882		151	110	261		National Archives of Armenia, fund 53, list 1, file 3874, p. 30; Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 244.
1883		147	105	252		National Archives of Armenia, fund 53, list 1, file 3875, pp. 56-57; Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 244.
1885	23	150	125	275		National Archives of Armenia, fund 53, list 1, file 3877, p. 30; Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 244.
1886	44	178	149	327	The Turkish population of Getabak comprised 124 houses with 878 inhabitants, although another source reports only 23 houses (“Ardzagank,”1888, No. 7, p. 86).	Yelizavetpol Province: A Statistical Survey Based on the Family Lists of Caucasia's Population. Tiflis, 1888, pp. 82-83, 88-89; Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 244.
1887		172	150	322		National Archives of Armenia, fund 53, list 1, file 3880, p. 74; Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 244.
1888		183	159	342		National Archives of Armenia, fund 53, list 1, file 3882, p. 132; Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 244.
1889	23	188	169	357		National Archives of Armenia, fund 53, list 1, file 3884, pp. 227-228; “Nor-Dar,” 1889, No. 201, p. 2; Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 244.
1890	33	197	184	381		“Nor-Dar,” 1890, No. 148, p. 3; National Archives of Armenia, fund 53, list 1, file 3887, p. 151; Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 244.
1891		215	202	417		National Archives of Armenia, fund 53, list 1, file 3889, p. 150; Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 244.
1892		230	214	444		National Archives of Armenia, fund 53, list 1, file 3891, p. 122; Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 244.
1893	30	243	225	468		National Archives of Armenia, fund 53, list 1, file 3895, pp. 78-79; “Nor-Dar,” 1893, No. 35, p. 3; Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 244.
1894		262	252	514		National Archives of Armenia, fund 53, list 1, file 3896, pp. 175-176; Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 244.
1897		309	297	606		National Archives of Armenia, fund 53, list 1, file 3899, pp. 148-149; Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 244.
1898		325	315	640		National Archives of Armenia, fund 53, list 1, file 3897, p. 170; Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 244.
1899	33	329	318	647		National Archives of Armenia, fund 56, list 4, file 649, p. 1; fund 53, list 1, file 3903, pp. 127-128; Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 244.
1900		337	339	676		National Archives of Armenia, fund 53, list 1, file 3905, pp. 93-94; Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 244.
1901		359	347	706		National Archives of Armenia, fund 53, list 1, file 3906, pp. 99-100; Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 244.
1902		248	228	476		National Archives of Armenia, fund 53, list 1, file 3907, pp. 24-25; Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 244.
1905		250	230	480		National Archives of Armenia, fund 53, list 1, file 3912, pp. 267-268; Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 244.
1906		165	163	328		National Archives of Armenia, fund 53, list 1, file 3915, p. 24; Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 244.
1907				327		National Archives of Armenia, fund 56, list 1, file 240, p. 2. Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 244.
1908	35	300	250	550		National Archives of Armenia, fund 35, list 1, file 559, p. 12; Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 244.
1909		265	241	505		National Archives of Armenia, fund Պ56, list 18, file 764, p. 118; Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 244.
1910		70	60	130		National Archives of Armenia, fund 53, list 1, file 3917, pp. 59-60. Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 244.
1912	74	280	243	523		National Archives of Armenia, fund 53, list 1, file 3919, pp. 63-64; fund 56, list 4, file 649, p. 4; Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 244.
1914				669		Caucasian Calendar for 1915, Tiflis, 1914, p. 131. Karapetian, Samvel. Northern Artsakh, Yerevan, 2007, p. 244.